Month: October 2019

Abby Carchio 

Jim Crow Era and Its Persistence

The saying, “History repeats itself”, relays an objective truth. This phrase, however, is quite reductionist. Yes, history repeats itself, but the event being repeated can rear its head differently during different time periods. At its crux, the events are the same. A change in time, power dynamics, and societal context all attribute to a modification of the repeating event. To put forth an example within the Africana Studies discipline to further explain this abstract concept, one can point to a comparison of Jim Crow Laws and contemporary systemic racism. Economic inequality, and the normalization of racialized violence are both problems that negatively affected African-Americans during the Jim Crow Era and those very same problems are affecting African-Americans today. These two events, however, present themselves very differently in their respective societal time periods. 

Economic inequality, disproportionately affecting African-Americans, was present during the Jim Crow Era and is repeating itself in contemporary United States. The inequality is repeating, but the differing societal context might obscure one from recognizing the repetition. The Jim Crow Era was a time of explicit economic discrimination. Wage slave labor was a legalized method of employment used by plantation owners and factory owners where African-Americans would be hired for absolutely abysmal pay. (Source 1) This was a very intentional tactic used to prevent the economic mobility of African Americans and to exploit labor basically for free. Economic inequality within the Jim Crow Era was clearly explicit and normalized as a part of a capitalistic endeavour. Contemporary economic inequality is arguably less explicit, but it is just as present as in the late 1800’s. Statistics clearly show the presence of economic inequality within the United States today. According to the Census Bureau, “the median African American household’s net worth is only $7,113, while the comparable figure for white household’s is 111,740.” (Source 2) This statistic clearly proves that history is currently repeating itself. Of course, the argument can be made that this inequality was continuous. This does not negate the claim that history is repeating itself, in fact it reinforces it. From Jim Crow Laws to now, there has been a repeating cycle of inequality occurring day after day, decade after decade. Just as wage slave labor was a driving force in the economic inequality during the late 1800’s, the cycle of generational wealth is a driving force in today’s economic inequality. Generational wealth essentially refers to the passing down of money from generation to generation. This is strictly advantageous for the demographic that originally started with the most wealth. From history it is clear that African Americans did not start with the most wealth. Generation after generation the cycle repeated itself and economic inequality persists today. When compared with wage slave labor, generational wealth is arguably a less explicit mode of economically disadvantaging African Americans. It is easier to cover up or overlook. It is undeniable, however, that history has repeated itself. It just has a different mask on. 

Just as economic inequality is present in both time periods, the normalization of racialized violence is a theme that is clearly repeating itself. During the Jim Crow Era, public lynchings were the most prominent forms of explicit violence towards African Americans. In the year 1892, there were 161 reported lynchings in the United States. (Source 3) These were legal lynchings enforced by law enforcement. Lynchings were very public and act as an example of explicit police brutality during the late 1800’s. Police brutality and the normalization of this violence is repeating itself in the current day. Freddie Gray, Eric Garner, Michael Brown are just a few examples of the countless Black Americans that have fallen victim to police violence in recent years. In the past ten years, media and social justice groups have made great efforts to bring cases of racialized violence to the forefront and have had success. There are, however, countless cases similar to the three aforementioned men and other instances of police brutality that are not video taped, or not brought to light. These cases are quieted by judges in courtrooms, or by commanding police chiefs. Just because a public lynching is not being held, it does not mean a judge is not pardoning an officer for wrongfully wounding or killing an African American. Again, racialized police violence is repeating itself within the United States, it is just appearing in a different societal context.  

The phrase “History is repeating itself”, must be viewed as a warning. It is an opportunity to recognize when negative occurrences will be present in contemporary society and in the future. The comparison of the Jim Crow Era and today, in regards to economic inequality and racialized violence, is essential in proving that history can repeat itself within a disguise. Wage slave labor does not look anything like generational wealth being passed down, but both result in economic inequality that disadvantage one demographic. If one fails to identify generational wealth as a problem similar to wage slave labor, the chances of breaking the historical cycle is severely decreased. The same goes for racialized violence. Public lynchings attract attention differently than a quieted court case where a police officer brutally beat an African American man. Yet, both of these are accounts of racialized violence performed or enforced by law enforcement. Without recognizing the repetition, it would be much harder for one to prevent this historical cycle from occurring in the future. Overall, this work of identification is imperative within the Africana Studies discipline. It allows academia to learn from the past in hopes of improving the future. 

Source 1

https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/jim-crow-segregation-and-labor

Source 2

www.huffingtonpost.com/dedrick-muhammad/african-american-economic_b_12747222.html. 2

Source 3https://www.naacp.org/history-of-lynchings/

In today’s society, the term “Black Excellence” is often used when celebrating the achievements of Black people within the American community. While this phrase has no specific origin, the intention behind its use seems to be genuinely positive. While it is imperative to acknowledge the achievements of black individuals in this society structured for them to fail, is it possible that the term “Black Excellence” is hurting the black community more than it is upholding and celebrating us? To understand and answer this question, one must first understand both the good and bad implications in the use of this phrase.

Firstly, what is “Black Excellence”? Urban dictionary defines Black Excellence as “Someone that is black and portrays great qualities and abilities that make the black community proud.”However, this definition fails to fully grasp the meaning and importance of the phrase black excellence and its significance when used to talk about blacks achieving things. When describing the meaning of black excellence, one author states, “Black excellence is, in fact, our ancestor’s wildest dreams. It is what we, as people of African descent, strive for each and every day. It is the lifeblood of what keeps us going when it seems our humanity is being questioned. Black excellence is me and every other Black person working towards the advancement of our people (Anya).” This definition equates Black excellence to more of an action than “a catchy hashtag or words written across the front of a hooded sweatshirt (Anya).” This type of black excellence is beneficial to the black community because it equities this excellence to a black individual upholding his/her community, as opposed to a single action which primarily benefits that one individual. However, “Black Excellence” can also be perceived as mentality instead of an act or set of acts.

 The perception of “Black Excellence” as a mentality completely alters its impact on the black community as a whole. As a mindset, Black Excellence is defined by one author as “the mindset, backed by continuous action, to look within ourselves and act in ways that progress our communities without discrediting the effect of forces outside of our communities (Debotch).” This viewpoint changes the impact of the phrase black excellence because by equating the word to a mindset expressed through continuous action it no longer limits black excellence to singular actions, but a literal lifestyles, essentially promoting black self-love and solidarity while simultaneously acknowledging all the roadblocks placed in our way by systemic racism within America. With these roadblocks recognized Black Excellence as a mindset allows for blacks to celebrate their achievements and the achievements of their peers against the backdrop of a race-based society structured to hinder the progression of blacks, while removing the implications of complacency associated with black excellence being used to describe a singular action, not a set of actions or continued action. This use of “Black Excellence” as a term used to describe a singular work is where the potential for this phrase to be restraining to the Black community lies.

            How could a phrase with such good intention inadvertently hurt the black community? Well, the phrase itself is not the issue, its how it may be used that poses this question. A prime example of this can be seen in the use of Black Excellence when celebrating a black individual getting into college. When looking at the statistics for enrollment in colleges, we see that “Forty-two percent of white students aged 18 to 24 were enrolled in college in 2013, compared to 34 percent of black and Hispanic students that age, according to the U.S. Department of Education (Parks).” With these statistics in mind, it seems reasonable to equate a black individual getting into college to excellence, as it is clear that people of color entering higher education has yet to become a normality in American society. However, just because it isn’t the norm doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t treat it as such. When we call achievements such as enrolling in college “excellent,” it creates a distinction by implying that this is excellent behavior, or this is an achievement only accomplished by “excellent” people of color, as opposed to this being normal behavior, accomplishable by any black person. If a young black person were to go on social media and see post equating getting into college with someone being excellent, this raises the potential for the creation of a distinction in the mind of this young adult along the lines of “well I’m normal, not excellent.” In fact, this raises the potential for this distinction within the black community as a whole, by associating such an action with excellence as opposed to normality. This particular use of the word black excellence restrains the black community by making things that we should be striving to establish as commonplace excellent. Furthermore, self-perception plays a considerable role in beliefs in one’s self/abilities (Calder), and so the first step in making college enrollment normal in the black community is to stop calling it excellent and start treating it like an expectation.

 In conclusion, the phrase “Black Excellence” as both a mindset and a series of actions is capable of celebrating or upholding the black community and celebrating black achievements while acknowledging all the challenges blacks face while trying to achieve. However, this same phrase is just as capable of holding back the black community when used to describe singular actions that we should be striving to establish as normal, such as getting into college. This essentially means that while we as a community should continue to use “Black Excellence” when celebrating our peers’ achievements, we should be more conscious of when we use the word and what it implies for a given situation. 

Works Cited page

Anyu, Ndeh. “Why Is Black Excellence so Important?” Diverse, 16 Jan. 2019, diverseeducation.com/article/136192/.

Calder, Bobby J, and Barry M Staw. “PsycNET.” American Psychological Association, American Psychological Association, psycnet.apa.org/record/1975-31777-001.

Debouch, Roman. “Why Black Excellence Is a Mindset, Not Just a Hashtag.” Black Excellence, Black Excellence, 17 May 2019, blackexcellence.com/why-black-excellence-is-a-mindset-not-jut-a-hashtag/.

Parks, Casey, et al. “Facts about Race and College Admission.” The Hechinger Report, 14 Apr. 2019, hechingerreport.org/facts-about-race-and-college-admission/.

Systemic racism in the U.S. is the normalization and legitimization of an array of dynamics ⎼ historical, cultural, institutional, and interpersonal ⎼ that routinely advantage whites while producing cumulative and chronic adverse outcomes for people of color [1]. Systemic racism has become something that people of color don’t even think of any more; it is apart of everyday life in America. In a lecture by Professor Tricia Rose, she describes this systemic racism as a machine containing gears that all work together and fit together perfectly, the gears being housing, education, wealth, and criminal justice with the media acting as the oil that keeps everything running smoothly. The United States uses systemic racism to allow the white majority to progress while holding people of color back; the U.S. does this by manipulating housing allocation, discriminatory judicial practices, and inequalities within schools.

Although the United States has many laws in place which should prohibit discriminatory housing practices, minorities still face many barriers in the housing industry. In 2017 the city of Miami sued Bank of America for unfair lending practices [2]. Bank of America was using methods that targeted minorities with higher-risk loans that resulted in a high rate of default, which caused financial harm to both the city and its civilians. These predatory practices are not uncommon in the banking industry. Bank of America and many other financial institutions have been targeting minorities for a long time and will continue to do so because of the difficulty associated with proving these predatory practices. The housing industry during the Civil Rights Movement used tactics such as redlining and blockbusting as tools to move blacks and other minorities into specific geographical areas within cities while moving whites out of those same areas. The 1968 Housing Act was supposed to tackle redlining and blockbusting, but due to the sporadic enforcement of the act, similar demographics can be seen today in the form of inner-city poverty and ghettos. Ghettos are generally made up of a disproportionate amount of blacks and other minorities, while the poverty breakdown contains these same groups. Past and present practices within the housing industry have lead to the suppressed value of property in black areas while simultaneously increasing the value of white property. The housing industry, like many other industries within the United States, contributes to the continued oppression of minorities by using unfair practices against people of color and not having policies in place to help with upward mobility.

Police/Judicial practices in the United States target people of color. Countless unarmed black men, unfortunately, have been gunned down by police officers, and to make matters worse, these officers often face no jail time or repercussions for their actions. On the contrary, but equally as disturbing, there have been an array of mass shootings within schools and other public places where the shooter was white, and many times these white shooters are peacefully arrested and later taken to court where they claim to be clinically ill which results in lighter sentencing. Also, there has been no connection between the clinically ill and the inclination of shooting anyone. No one is advocating for white shooters or anyone else for that matter to be shot by the police, but instead, police should be better trained in areas of conflict so that pulling their gun and shooting with the intent to kill is the absolute last thing they can do. In addition to black males being treated differently by police, blacks generally receive more punishment than the white majority. When looking at the demographics of the prison population you find that black men make up about 40 percent of the male prison population while only making up 6 percent of the entire population, this means that 2.5 percent of black males are in jail today, as you could imagine white males do not experience anything close to those proportions [3]. Blacks are also receiving 20 percent longer sentences in comparison to their white counterparts for the same crimes. The black versus white disparity within the judicial system has continued to widen over the years and is at an all-time high today. 

Schools, for the most part, are zoned based on where the prospective student lives, and the school gets its money from property taxes within that zone. As discussed earlier, blacks and other minorities are grouped into certain geographical regions, and as a result, property taxes in those areas are generally not as high as suburban homes property taxes are. Since schools get their money from property taxes and their zone doesn’t produce the same amount of money as others, they will have less funding, which means the students will have less educational resources. Schools not being able to provide enough resources for the students generally will result in an inferior education for those students. There is state funding that tries to offset these differences between schools and their districts, but the state can only do so much; there is still a significant gap in resources between schools. Some black families are able to live in the suburbs and put their kids into good schools within their areas, but many times these kids go to school with very few other kids that look like them, and that takes on a role itself. The education system of America needs to find better ways for funding and zoning schools because disadvantaged students are falling behind, and it is no fault of their own.

The United States uses various methods to ruin the minorities of the country. To offset the practices currently in place, the U.S will need to change its way of thinking totally. Professor Rose eluded to a familiar analogy, which states, “If a factory is torn down but the rationality which produced it is left standing, then that rationality will simply produce another factory,” This metaphor is very relevant to the issues the black community faces today. Society will need to completely change its way of thinking about policies and stop accepting good enough and push for best. 

Bibliography

[1] “Structural Racism”. Tricia Rose. October 1, 2019. 

[2]  “Bank of America Corp. v. City of Miami.” Oyez. Accessed October 6, 2019. https://www.oyez.org/cases/2016/15-1111.

[3] Ingraham, Christopher. “Black Men Sentenced to More Time for Committing the Exact Same Crime as a White Person, Study Finds.” The Washington Post. WP Company, November 16, 2017. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2017/11/16/black-men-sentenced-to-more-time-for-committing-the-exact-same-crime-as-a-white-person-study-finds/.

As stated in the lecture given by Trica Rose, if the institutions that enable a system of structural racism and discrimination are represented by gears, media is the oil that keeps the system running smoothly.  A party that controls media representation of another group also can control how that group is portrayed to the public, and whether or not to perpetuate harmful stereotypes.  

The power of media to influence public opinion is exemplified perfectly by the American cartoon industry.   Portrayals of Africans and African Americans in cartoons has reflected and, in some cases, driven public perceptions and popular stereotypes for decades.  In particular, the so called “golden age of American cartoons” ranging from the 1930s to the mid-1960s produced several particularly harmful pieces of media that are worthy of discussion.   These pieces of media display the power of media to reflect and influence public opinion by displaying several harmful stereotypes.

The modern media giant Looney Tunes started out as s a collection of comical short films produced by Warner Brothers Studios from 1930 to 1961 alongside a less well-known sister series known as Merrie Melodies.  These products originally pitched as advertisement for Warner Bros. licensed music, which would be featured prominently in the cartoons.  In time, however, these projects grew quickly in popularity with the introduction of characters such as Bugs Bunny, Elmer Fudd, Porky Pig, Speedy Gonzales, and Daffy Duck.

While these cartoons have a rich history that is generally celebrated by their parent company Warner Brothers, there are a number of animated shorts that are no longer sold due to “outdated” and stereotypical depictions of minorities.  In particular, shorts involving depictions of African Americans pre-civil rights and Japanese before and during World War 2 are illuminating in dissecting public perception of these groups during the time these cartoons were aired.

In 1938, an animated short known as Jungle Jitters was released by Merrie Melodies.  This is perhaps the most famous of their banned properties which did not receive video or DVD releases until considerably later than their less controversial properties.  The story features African native caricatures with heavy blackface/minstrel show overtones parading around a jungle engaging in various ritualistic practices.  A salesman-like character visits their village in order to deliver goods and the villagers decide to try to cook him until their queen falls in love with him.  Perhaps the most damaging stereotype about Africans featured in this short is the barbaric depiction of their religious practices.  As discussed in Diakite and Hucks, the depiction of African (or any non-Eurocentric) religious/spiritual beliefs as barbaric or pagan is a common vehicle for racism.

In 1941, an animated short known as Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarves was released by Merrie Melodies.  As the name implies, this work is a parody of Snow White and the Seven Dwarves featuring a variety of highly sexualized, stereotypical black characters involved in a number of antics.

While Disney animated properties are heralded as inclusive today, they also have a sordid history with the portrayal of African natives.  In 1930, a Disney animated project by the name of Cannibal Capers was released.  In a similar manner to Jungle Jitters, it featured a tribe of stereotypical African caricatures involved in various ritualistic activities such as preparing humans in a large pot, parading and dancing with skulls, performing crude dances around a fire, and coming into conflict with a lion.  This piece has some of the same issues as the aforementioned Jungle Jitters.  Both feature the dehumanizing stereotype of cannibalistic, unthinking, unreasonable African natives, and compare and contrast them with a more sympathetic character representing a more western philosophy.

Hannah Barbara released a number of comedic short films known as Tom and Jerry starting in 1941.   These films featured a comedic duo consisting of a cat and mouse involved in mischief.  Despite the overall lack of human characters, this project is not free of the racism pervasive in its contemporaries.  At various points during various films, explosions would render characters charred in such a way that it deliberately invoked minstrel show stereotypes.  More obviously, a “Mammy” character was featured working for Tom’s owners in some of the older films.  The “Mammy” archetype presented in Tom and Jerry speaks in a stereotypically “Black” vernacular, and is frequently portrayed as an ignorant, unreasonable, and antagonistic figure toward Tom the cat.  In particular, the non-Back characters shown in this cartoon are generally portrayed in a far more flattering light.  While the Mammy archetype is not necessarily portrayed in an outright dehumanizing light, it’s pervasiveness in media is no less harmful

After discussing the origin and nature of the stereotypes these pieces of media perpetuate, it is vital to examine what makes them harmful.   In a perfect world, works of fiction such as cartoons would have no bearing on real people.  In reality, however, the effects of television media (particularly cartoons) on early development and its influence of behaviors and opinions later in life are well documented in a myriad of rigorous studies.

A 2004 study by Thomas E. Ford published in Personality and Social Psychology found that disparaging humor, such as the stereotype-based humor found in the aforementioned films can help to normalize the views of those who are prejudiced against those that type of humor targets.  This study also explores the idea that providing a mainstream outlet for discriminatory language and behavior serves to exacerbate those behaviors in those who consume media from these outlets.  A 2002 study published in The Journal for Social Issues Describes television as a “vicarious experience” that can inform peoples prejudices with its portrayals of certain groups.

These studies serve as evidence that the negative portrayals of minorities in media such as cartoons damage perceptions of those groups and reinforce the stereotypes displayed.

As stated in the lecture given by Trica Rose, if the institutions that enable a system of structural racism and discrimination are represented by gears, media is the oil that keeps the system running smoothly.  A party that controls media representation of another group also can control how that group is portrayed to the public, and whether or not to perpetuate harmful stereotypes.  

The power of media to influence public opinion is exemplified perfectly by the American cartoon industry.   Portrayals of Africans and African Americans in cartoons has reflected and, in some cases, driven public perceptions and popular stereotypes for decades.  In particular, the so called “golden age of American cartoons” ranging from the 1930s to the mid-1960s produced several particularly harmful pieces of media that are worthy of discussion.   These pieces of media display the power of media to reflect and influence public opinion by displaying several harmful stereotypes.

The modern media giant Looney Tunes started out as s a collection of comical short films produced by Warner Brothers Studios from 1930 to 1961 alongside a less well-known sister series known as Merrie Melodies.  These products originally pitched as advertisement for Warner Bros. licensed music, which would be featured prominently in the cartoons.  In time, however, these projects grew quickly in popularity with the introduction of characters such as Bugs Bunny, Elmer Fudd, Porky Pig, Speedy Gonzales, and Daffy Duck.

While these cartoons have a rich history that is generally celebrated by their parent company Warner Brothers, there are a number of animated shorts that are no longer sold due to “outdated” and stereotypical depictions of minorities.  In particular, shorts involving depictions of African Americans pre-civil rights and Japanese before and during World War 2 are illuminating in dissecting public perception of these groups during the time these cartoons were aired.

In 1938, an animated short known as Jungle Jitters was released BY Merrie Melodies.  This is perhaps the most famous of their banned properties which did not receive video or DVD releases.  The story features African native caricatures with heavy blackface/minstrel show overtones parading around a jungle engaging in various ritualistic practices.  A salesman-like character visits their village in order to deliver goods and the villagers decide to try to cook him until their queen falls in love with him.  Perhaps the most damaging stereotype about Africans featured in this short is the barbaric depiction of their religious practices.  As discussed in Diakite and Hucks, the depiction of African (or any non-Eurocentric) religious/spiritual beliefs as barbaric or pagan is a common vehicle for racism.

In 1941, an animated short known as Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarves was released by Merrie Melodies.  As the name implies, this work is a parody of Snow White and the Seven Dwarves featuring a variety of highly sexualized, stereotypical black characters involved in a number of antics.

While Disney animated properties are heralded as inclusive today, they also have a sordid history with the portrayal of African natives.  In 1930, a Disney animated project by the name of Cannibal Capers was released.  In a similar manner to Jungle Jitters, it featured a tribe of stereotypical African caricatures involved in various ritualistic activities such as preparing humans in a large pot, parading and dancing with skulls, performing crude dances around a fire, and coming into conflict with a lion.  This piece has some of the same issues as the aforementioned Jungle Jitters.  Both feature the dehumanizing stereotype of cannibalistic, unthinking, unreasonable African natives, and compare and contrast them with a more sympathetic character representing a more western philosophy.

Hannah Barbara released a number of comedic short films known as Tom and Jerry starting in 1941.   These films featured a comedic duo consisting of a cat and mouse involved in mischief.  Despite the overall lack of human characters, this project is not free of the racism pervasive in its contemporaries.  At various points during various films, explosions would render characters charred in such a way that it deliberately invoked minstrel show stereotypes.  More obviously, a “Mammy” character was featured working for Tom’s owners in some of the older films.  The “Mammy” archetype presented in Tom and Jerry speaks in a stereotypically “Black” vernacular, and is frequently portrayed as an ignorant, unreasonable, and antagonistic figure toward Tom the cat.  In particular, the non-Back characters shown in this cartoon are generally portrayed in a far more flattering light.  While the Mammy archetype is not necessarily portrayed in an outright dehumanizing light, it’s pervasiveness in media is no less harmful

After discussing the origin and nature of the stereotypes these pieces of media perpetuate, it is vital to examine what makes them harmful.   In a perfect world, works of fiction such as cartoons would have no bearing on real people.  In reality, however, the effects of television media (particularly cartoons) on early development and its influence of behaviors and opinions later in life are well documented in a myriad of rigorous studies.

A 2004 study by Thomas E. Ford published in Personality and Social Psychology found that disparaging humor, such as the stereotype-based humor found in the aforementioned films can help to normalize the views of those who are prejudiced against those that type of humor targets.  This study also explores the idea that providing a mainstream outlet for discriminatory language and behavior serves to exacerbate those behaviors in those who consume media from these outlets.  A 2002 study published in The Journal for Social Issues Describes television as a “vicarious experience” that can inform peoples prejudices with its portrayals of certain groups.

These studies serve as evidence that the negative portrayals of minorities in media such as cartoons damage perceptions of those groups and reinforce the stereotypes displayed.

These studies serve as evidence that the negative portrayals of minorities in media such as cartoons damage perceptions of those groups, and reinforce the stereotypes displayed.

The idea that the Christian religion is unfit for the black man is the so-called “white man’s religion” is neither new nor outdated. Throughout history, a number of black intellectuals and political figures, including W.E.B Du Bois, and Malcolm X denounced Christianity and advocated for the adoption of a more righteous “black religion” for African Americans to practice. Du Bois wrote in his autobiography, “I have increasingly regarded the church as an institution which defended such evils as slavery, color caste, exploitation of labor and war.”[1] Malcolm X wrote in his autobiography, “The greatest miracle Christianity has achieved in America is that the Black man in white Christian hands has not grown violent.”[2] This sentiment held by black some intellectuals is a result of a dichotomous way of thinking. The thought that Christianity is the “white man’s religion” and is therefore bad, is a crude simplification of the role Christianity has played in the history of African American culture. It also suggests the contemporary religious practices of black Christians are a direct reflection of the European Christian practices first introduced in slavery, which contirubtes to the racialization of the religion. The oversimplification and racialization of Christianity directly opposes African diasporic thinking. A diasporic mindset should acknowledge all chosen religious practices of individuals in the diaspora, as well as acknowledge the ownership they have over such practices.

First, one must understand that just because Christianity was used for evil in a particular place and time does not mean it spells evil for all individuals of African descent. It is in fact true that The Bible was used to justify slavery and that Christian ideals such as “love your neighbor” proved convenient for those trying to keep the oppressed from rebelling. [3] However, classifying the entire religion of Christianity based off this corrupt version of Christianity and associating African Americans who practice Christianity with “the white man’s religion” disregards Christianity as a broader religion. Simply because Christianity was perverted by Americans who sought to enslave Africans does not make “Christianity” synonymous with “evil”. 

The distinction between the Christian religion and the use of Christianity as a tool to support the oppression of African Americans is an important distinction to make. In his book, The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave, abolitionist Frederick Douglass makes this distinction. He criticizes the use of Christianity for evil in America without condemning the religion as a whole. 

“Between the Christianity of this land and the Christianity of Christ, I recognize the widest possible difference—so wide that to receive the one as good, pure, and holy, is of necessity to reject the other as bad, corrupt, and wicked. To be the friend of the one is of necessity to be the enemy of the other. I love the pure, peaceable, and impartial Christianity of Christ; I therefore hate the corrupt, slave-holding, women-whipping, cradle-plundering, partial and hypocritical Christianity of this land.” [4]

Douglass clearly praises the good of Christianity and denounces the corrupt and hypocritical version of Christianity that was used by slave owners and whites who sought to oppress blacks. Intellectuals who do not make this distinction risk ostracizing black individuals who do practice Christianity and fail to recognize that the evil done through Christianity is only a facet of a broad system of faith.

Now, some will argue that Christianity is an European religion and that because Africans’ first interaction with Christianity was through slavery, the foundations upon which Christianity in America was built are not pure. This then suggests that the many African Americans who consider themselves Christians are followers of an impure and untrustworthy religion. This argument is based off the assumption that African American religious culture is a direct result of the European religious culture Africans were introduced to in slavery. However, this overlooks the participation of Africans and African Americans in the creation of their own black religious practices. 

In the Antebellum South, Christianity was used as a means for dealing with the brutality of slavery. Enslaved black Christians would hold secret religious meetings where they would “interpret, experience, and express their religious commitments.”[5] They would also listen to black preachers who would reaffirm their humanity and denounce the evils of slavery using biblical narratives. In addition, black religious practices such as the singing of spirituals were born out of what American scholar Albert J. Raboteau coins,  “slave religion.”[5] These practices cannot be seen as a mimicry of European Christianity. Christianity also played a key role in supporting the civil rights movement. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) organized many of the boycotts that contributed to desegregation. Martin Luther King Jr. who led the SCLC, was a Christian minister himself and was one of the most prominent civil rights activists.[6] There is no question that Christianity has had a role in the support, strengthening, and elevation of black culture and community. Hence, there is no basis for the argument that the practice of Christianity by African Americans is a direct result of the religious practices introduced in slavery.

Even the notion that Christianity originates entirely from Europe is not entirely true. While many of the enslaved people that came to America were either Muslim or practiced other ancient religious traditions, Christianity existed in Africa before the Atlantic slave trade. Christianity in Africa dates back as early as the 1st century in Egypt.[7] In addition, several places in Africa serve as key settings for stories in The Bible. For instance, Ethiopia is mentioned over forty times in The Bible and Cush, the son of Ham, is noted as the ancestor of the Land of Cush which is located in what we now consider south of ancient Egypt. It is also believed that Africans were participants in the establishment of the creed of the Christian Church. In 325 CE, bishops from North Africa were invited to the first great ecunmenical council to debate about the divinity of Jesus Christ.[8] The notion that Christianity is unique to European culture is to ignore every aspect of it that is African or African American. 

Despite all of the evils Christianity was used to support, the religion cannot and should not be debased by perceiving it as  the “white man’s religion.” There is evidence for the use of Christianity in the creation of negative experiences for Africans and African Americans. However, Christianity has also played an important role in elevating black communities in the subsequent years of slavery and in the civil rights era. Even today, Christianity plays an important role in the experiences of African Americans and other individuals in the African diaspora. According to a study done by the Pew Research Center for Religion & Public Life in 2009, 82% of the African American population considers themselves either Protestant of Catholic.[9] In 2015, the Pew Research Center recorded that just Nigeria, Ethiopia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo accounted for over 216 million Christians.[10] The number of black Christians in the African diaspora suggests that the religion has grown too large within the diaspora to still consider it the “white man’s religion”. A better alternative to doing so is to let it be the responsibility of black individuals to choose the beliefs that they follow. The responsibility of black intellectuals to help support black individuals in their spiritual journeys, whatever those may be. 

Bibliography

[1] B., Du Bois W. E., and Arnold Rampersad. The Autobiography of W.E.B. Du Bois: a Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of Its First Century. Oxford University Press, 2014.

[2] X, Malcolm, and Alex Haley. The Autobiography of Malcolm X. Penguin, 1968.

[3] Rae, Noel. “How Christian Slaveholders Used the Bible to Justify Slavery.” Time, Time, 23 Feb. 2018, time.com/5171819/christianity-slavery-book-excerpt/.

 [4] Hall, James C. Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. Modern Language Association of America, 1999.

 [5] Weisenfeld, Judith. “Religion in African American History.” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History, 8 June 2017, oxfordre.com/americanhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-24#acrefore-9780199329175-e-24-note-5.

 [6] Southern Christian Leadership Conference. “SCLC History.” The All-New National SCLC, 2018, nationalsclc.org/about/history/.

 [7] “Christianity in Africa.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 3 Oct. 2019, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christianity_in_Africa.

 [8] Staff. “How ‘Christianity Is the White Man’s Religion’ Feeds the Damaging Disconnect between the Diaspora and Africa.” The Black Youth Project, 28 Feb. 2018, blackyouthproject.com/christianity-white-mans-religion-feeds-damaging-disconnect-diaspora-africa/.

 [9] Sahgal, Neha. “A Religious Portrait of African-Americans.” Pew Research Center’s Religion & Public Life Project, 19 Mar. 2014, www.pewforum.org/2009/01/30/a-religious-portrait-of-african-americans/.

 [10] Crossette, Barbara. “In Numbers, Africa May Be a Force in the Christian World by 2060.” PassBlue, 14 Apr. 2019, www.passblue.com/2019/04/08/in-numbers-africa-may-be-a-force-in-the-christian-world-by-2060/.

It is no secret that Blacks and African-Americans have been marginalized throughout American history. This marginalization has expressed itself in numerous ways, but as time changes so have methods of disempowerment. Blatant racism is, largely, socially unacceptable and not tolerated, but more subtle forms of racism are demonstrated in many areas of society such as healthcare. Even more specifically, racism is demonstrated in the disparity in pain management options for Blacks and Whites; as well, treatment of drug addicts are starkly different.

  While “disparity” is a word that seems appropriate for most racial instances of inequality, there is a point to be made about disparities versus differences. According to the American Pain Society, things that constitute as disparities are things that can not be controlled by personal decisions made in your healthcare. So this would extend to pain management options available to you, the operation of healthcare at your physician or hospital, and discrimination that includes bias or stereotyping. For example, many healthcare facilities in areas that are mostly black have less access to pain management options outside of oral analgesics. Also, 20% of healthcare facilities treat 80% of black patients in America. This means there is a significantly higher chance that blacks are not getting the benefits of pain management that whites are, given that most blacks attend a significantly smaller percentage of healthcare facilities.

These disparities translate to a disproportionate amount of inadequately-treated black pain patients, compared to white pain patients. This could be due to the fact that only 4% of physicians in America are African-American. This large discrepancy between African-American and White physicians can amplify the probability of implicit biases in White physicians. What drives these disparities and biases are the same forces that drove the development of pseudosciences like phrenology. A form of ideological racism. While most healthcare workers are not making conscious discriminatory decisions about patients, they are discriminatory nonetheless. Implicit biases guide actions and physicians will make discriminatory decisions unconsciously. There are many different ways in which these decisions manifest and express themselves. “research has shown that, relative to white patients, black patients are less likely to be given pain medications and, if given pain medications, they receive lower quantities. For example, in a retrospective study, Todd et al. found that black patients were significantly less likely than white patients to receive analgesics for extremity fractures in the emergency room (57% vs. 74%), despite having similar self-reports of pain. This disparity in pain treatment is true even among young children. For instance, a study of nearly one million children diagnosed with appendicitis revealed that, relative to white patients, black patients were less likely to receive any pain medication for moderate pain and were less likely to receive opioids—the appropriate treatment—for severe pain.”

Some may argue that, in light of the opioid epidemic, that it may be an overprescription of analgesics to whites, instead of underprescription of blacks. This would be a valid counterargument, yet pain is an inherently subjective experience. The fact of the matter is, white pain is valued higher than black pain in America, and has such been the trend historically.

Another argument against the findings may be directly against the methods used to conduct the study. What is important in studies involving bias and discrimination is that you limit the impact of bias on the study to make an objective observation. Retrospective studies, though, can be susceptible to bias because the researcher is, personally,  determining which factors have affected the established outcome. So inherently the study could be flawed. Yet p-values, which determine the consistency and reliability of the data in research, were so low that race, almost certainly, has a direct correlation with the quality of pain management.

Furthermore, doctors oftentimes underestimate the pain reported by black patients, as opposed to pain reported by white patients. There is increasing skepticism of the pain reported as the pain number increases. For example, pain is ranked on a scale of 1-10. A black patient would receive more scrutiny for reporting an 8, than if they reported a 3. There is a clear 

Yet some of these disparities and statistics do not tell the whole story of blacks not receiving pain treatment. There is a stigma surrounding doctors within the black community. Many feel discouraged when going to the doctor, and some choose to withdraw completely from medical checkups and exams. The idea is that the doctor may just be trying to prescribe you medication (which there is some merit to due to Purdue Pharma lobbying for policies that protected doctors for “overprescribing” opioids”) or are uninterested in the plight of the black patient. There is a general mistrust of doctors, which in part, is due to the history of blacks and doctors, as well as the underrepresentation of black physicians. Obviously, if you do not report your pain, then you can not receive treatment for your pain, no matter if that treatment is subpar.

Interestingly enough, whether its a lack of pain management options for blacks or a surplus for whites, the opioid epidemic is certainly a racially ironic phenomenon. The opioid epidemic affects many poor, white communities and has ravaged these communities to the point where life expectancy rates dropped significantly since 2015. This epidemic is similar to the crack epidemic in the sense that they were both largely affecting the northeastern part of the United States, and largely targets a specific racial group; the crack epidemic largely affected blacks. The crack epidemic was seen as a racially specific issue as if there was something innately different and about the black community that caused them to be susceptible to crack addiction. That the people who sold crack and other drugs were degenerates and lesser than human. This expressed itself as, not an attack on drugs and plans to remove crack from the streets, but violent demonstrations and arrests on crack addicts and drug dealers. Yet today, the narrative surrounding white drug addicts is not to send them to jail, but that we need to find viable treatment and rehabilitation for them. And doctors are not thrown in jail for carelessly overprescribing opioids, but are exonerated of their hand and responsibility in creating this epidemic. These are starkly different responses to essentially the same situations, exemplifying the racial undertones of these drug epidemics.

Bibliography

Chapman, Elizabeth N. Physicians and Implicit Bias: How Doctors May Unwittingly Perpetuate Health Care Disparities. Springer US, 11 Apr. 2013, https://link-springer-com.revproxy.brown.edu/article/10.1007/s11606-013-2441-1.

Goodnough, Abby. “Finding Good Pain Treatment Is Hard. If You’re Not White, It’s Even Harder.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 9 Aug. 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/10/us/how-race-plays-a-role-in-patients-pain-treatment.html.

Hoffman, Kelly M et al. “Racial bias in pain assessment and treatment recommendations, and false beliefs about biological differences between blacks and whites.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America vol. 113,16 (2016): 4296-301. doi:10.1073/pnas.1516047113

Villarosa, Linda. “How False Beliefs in Physical Racial Difference Still Live in Medicine Today.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 14 Aug. 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/racial-differences-doctors.html.

Within the last several years, social media has had a tremendous effect on the ways young academics/students spread and discuss ideas. Those with a social media account has the capability to reach more people and a wider variety of people than ever before. Social media has thus become a tool for activism in the 21^st century. With this public arena granting opportunity, it also can be a space for regression. Particularly, when conversations on activist strategies misrepresent or ignore core features of historic strategies and figures. One such point of miscommunication exist on the concept of the politics of respectability.

On September 19, 2019, Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham spoke at the Opening Plenary for R-E-S-P-E-C-T-A-B-I-L-I-T-Y: Black Women’s Studies since Righteous Discontent hosted at Brown University. The conference was to honor Higginbotham, her book, her theory on the Politics of Respectability and its lasting impact on the field of Black women’s studies. During her speech, Higginbotham offered a point of clarification for her theory. Higginbotham explained that the Politics of Respectability is not something that can be looked at from one-side.[1] There are both conservative and progressive aspects of the strategies the historical actors in her book employ.[2] Many students who are mainly versed in respectability politics from conversations on social media often negate the progressive side of the politics of respectability and only focus on the conservative features while the Baptist women’s work for racial and gender enfranchisement.[3] This to Higginbotham and the other scholars at the conference is a grave misconception that often de-legitimizes the resistance and radicalism of Black activists—particularly Black women. Thus, while the politics of respectability is a strategy that leans heavily on conservative and assimilationists values, it possesses very progressive traits that cannot go disregarded in modern conversations of Black activist approaches to resistance.

There is a need to understand the original strategy in order to accurately and effectively critique it build from it as the field progresses. This article is not about rejecting all critique, quiet contrarily, critique is not only valid but necessary to the production and advancement of knowledge and our understanding of Black people. However, to critique an oversimplified version of the politics of respectability and the intentions of the historical actors who employed them is ineffective and in contrast to the values of Africana Studies. As a field, Africana Studies aims to challenge misconceptions and highlight themes of resistance and empowerment.[4] If young scholars do not address misconceptions and disregard instances of resistance and empowerment, then the academic and radical integrity of the field will fall into jeopardy. Luckily, there are instances within the recent history of the field that showcase that it is effective and productive to provide an even interpretation of previous strategies then offer critiques and solutions.  

Diakité and Hucks within religious studies articulate a need to reorient the sources of knowledge and values used to define African and African-descended peoples’ religiosity.[5] Diakité and Hucks allude that the development of Africana Religious Studies (ARS) flowed naturally from previous tradition within scholarship on “black religion” which held an exclusive focus on Black Christian religion within the United States.[6] In light of this, Diakité and Hucks also cited how scholars post-1863 began to utilize “black religion” for political means that challenged white narratives of Black inferiority.[7] With regard to this, Diakité and Hucks then offer critiques and advocate for the use of ARS as a theoretical framework to studying a more inclusive spread of African-descended peoples’ religiosity that is stretched globally and across various religions.[8] While Diakité and Hucks by no means viewed every feature of  previous Black religious scholarship as perfect, they did not see it as entirely flawed or worth disposing either. This even interpretation allowed the authors to critically examine what the field was succeeding in and where it was lacking and how to address it accordingly. Even now, Andre Willis is building from the theory Diakité and Hucks have presented in order to push the field further to bring out more of the activist nature of “black religion” with the inclusive theoretical lens of ARS.[9] Here it is clear that some of the grounding values of Africana studies (challenges to deficit narratives and misconceptions and utilizing non-European sources of knowledge production) is present in analysis, critique and solution.  

            While 140 characters is certainly not enough space to adequately dialogue the nuances of activist strategies such as the politics of respectability, the conversations via social media persists. Even though the ability to reach masses of people has obvious draw, the implications of miseducating are too drastic to ignore. As young scholars, it is of critical importance that the next generation of researchers and theorists accurately understand and represent activist strategies and historical figures. This does not negate the need or value of critique; it simply urges students to recognize the legacy they are working within. Africana Studies constantly progresses, and it is with thoughtful, critical engagement that the field continues to flourish.

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[1] Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, “Opening Plenary,” R-E-S-P-E-C-T-A-B-I-L-I-T-Y: Black Women’s Studies since Righteous Discontent (September 19, 2019).

[2] Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, “7 The Politics of Respectability,” in Righteous Discontent: the Women’s Movement In the Black Baptist Church, 1880-1920, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1993),186.

[3] Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, “Opening Plenary,” R-E-S-P-E-C-T-A-B-I-L-I-T-Y: Black Women’s Studies since Righteous Discontent (September 19, 2019).

[4] Francoise Hamlin, “What is Africana Studies,” Class Lecture: AFRI 0090, (September 10, 2019).

[5] Diakité, Dianne M. Stewart Diakité and Tracey E. Hucks, “Africana Religious Studies: Toward a Transdisciplinary Agenda in an Emerging Field,” Journal of Africana Religions 1, no. 1 (2013): 40.

[6] Ibid., 38-39.

[7] Ibid., 54-56.

[8] Ibid., 41-43.

[9] Andre Willis, “ARS”, Class Lecture: AFRI 0090, (September 26, 2019).

Bibliography

Diakité, Dianne M. Stewart and Hucks, Tracey E. “Africana Religious Studies: Toward a Transdisciplinary Agenda in an Emerging Field.” Journal of Africana Religions, 1, no. 1 (2013): 28-77.

Hamlin, Francoise. “What is Africana Studies.” Class Lecture: AFRI 0090. September 10, 2019.

Higginbotham, Evelyn Brooks. “7 The Politics of Respectability.” in Righteous Discontent: the Women’s Movement In the Black Baptist Church, 1880-1920. 185-229. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993.

—. “Opening Plenary.” R-E-S-P-E-C-T-A-B-I-L-I-T-Y: Black Women’s Studies since Righteous Discontent. September 19, 2019.

Willis, Andre. “ARS”. Class Lecture: AFRI 0090. September 26, 2019.

On November 28th, 2017, Joyner Lucas released the song “I’m Not Racist,” and was met with a wave of controversy. The Music video opens with a white man in a MAGA Hat lipsyncing Joyner’s words, expressing his thoughts on black people and race relations in the United States (Criss). His words are not only scathing and derogatory but also brutally honest. As he lets loose his tirade, he reaffirms his sentiment with the contradicting statement “I’m Not Racist.” His words paint a picture of an African American riddled with stereotypes, a father who doesn’t claim their children and sell drugs. Lucas clarifies that he is by no means saying that all white people are racist. Instead, this character in the music video says frustration some white people keep reserved but might not want to say for fear of seeming racist. For example, the white character brings up a reoccurring argument among some white people: black people complaining about slavery as if they lived through it themselves, and they picked cotton (Genius). This argument completely ignores the repercussions of slavery that affect African Americans in modern-day. The first verse concludes the white characters’ side of the story, but since this is meant to be conversations between both sides of the racial spectrum, so the black character is given time to tell his. He brings up the “all lives matter” movement in response to the black lives matter movement, and questions the worth of a protest to a protest. The all lives matter response on the surface seems like an expansion of the same idea, but it belittles the core of the movement. At its’ core is the struggle to protect our black bodies from the dangerous of police brutality and racial profiling. The video caught so much attention from the media because of the conversation it opened, and its commentary on today’s society. Lucas says “Again, my attention was to create a resolution, to kind of get people to open up their minds a little bit and understand a little bit part of the reasons why certain people do certain things”(Genius).

Post-civil-rights movement America is a very different social-political climate on the surface level. “Racism” as a term did not carry as much weight in the 1960s when around every corner blatant racism and discrimination.  The unfettered bigotry that propagated throughout America created a dynamic where calling a white man racist was almost redundant. The Idea of being racist or implicit in racism didn’t carry the same baggage because it was nowhere near out of line with the status quo. It is comparable to being a slave owner in the Eighteenth Century vs in the Twenty-first Century. It was not any less wrong that it was happening, but it was more common in society. Race, and with it, Racism changes form through time in its appearance and effect on our lives. The fight for racial equality was such a powerful unifying movement that made progress, that when the leaders grew old and the rallies began to wane, the status quo shifted into arguably a worse position. In that time period, people wore their emotions on their sleeves and were vocal about their opinions and brutally honest in their actions.

Now calling someone racist or even implying something they said might have racist undertones is outrageous and taken as an insult. That isn’t to say there are no longer those that openly express their often ignorant ideas and prejudices. Part of the controversy surrounding Donald Trump is not only his ideas but how brutally honest he is about them considering his position. But as a whole, people don’t want to be perceived as racist or adamant that they are far from it. The most pervasive form of racism today is institutional or systemic. But the nature of this oppression requires collaboration and conversation across racial lines to work to change the system. But a social upheaval of aspects so ingrained in the country cannot come close to realization since no one wants to be implicit in the blame. This introduced the ideas of color blindness and white privilege.

Color blindness as explained by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, author of The Structure of Racism in Color-Blind, “Post-Racial” America, is essentially an excuse derived from an extension of liberal thought. The excuse is revealed in the thought process’ “raceless” explanations for social structures that are consequences of systemic racial oppression. The explanations for our racial situations show there is no need to try and combat the current state of racial equality or lack thereof (Bonilla-Silva).  The ignorance may be bliss, but it is not blameless. Remaining complacent with the injustices of institutions is just as detrimental as being complicit. Privilege, specifically white privilege, is important in the discussion and highlights just how African Americans are disadvantaged in society. But privilege when it becomes a controversial discussion it often boils down to them denying their privilege, and in doing so, reinforcing that same work harder to do better mentality.  

Works Cited

Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. “The Structure of Racism in Color-Blind, ‘Post-Racial’ America – Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, 2015.” SAGE Journals, journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0002764215586826.

Criss, Doug. “’I’m Not Racist’ Is the Brutal Race Conversation Nobody Wants to Have.” CNN, Cable News Network, 30 Nov. 2017, www.cnn.com/2017/11/29/entertainment/joyner-lucas-not-racist-video-trnd/index.html.

Lucas, Joyner. “Joyner Lucas – I’m Not Racist.” Genius, 19 Apr. 2017, genius.com/Joyner-lucas-im-not-racist-lyrics.

Roe versus Wade served as a turning point for education: it declared that it was unconstitutional for schools to be segregated. This was seen as a steppingstone for equal access education. In the south primarily when Jim Crow was enforced, primarily black schools did not receive the same amount of funding that  majority white schools received. Even though Roe Vs Wade was supposed to serve as a steppingstone for better resources to eventually get ahead in life, there are still major disparities present in education today. The gaps seen between majority black schools and majority white schools are very jarring. You may ask why is this still the case? This can be explained by systemic racism.

            In Tricia Rose’s lecture, she explained how racial inequality works as a system first, you have to have a discrimination system, which is a set of dynamically reflected subsystems or areas in which, disparities systemically favor certain groups. Disparities across are mutually enforcing and the source of the disparities are discrimination. This system was coined by Barbara Reskin. This system works so well because the workings of the system are kept away from the public eye. Since there are no laws put in place that are clear about keeping certain races out of certain areas and opportunity, it is hard to fight. The lack of transparency is a part of the reason of why the system works so well. If there is no clear reason why these disparities exist, how and what is going to be fought to end these disparities.

            This becomes a very complicated situation when neutral laws are considered. Looking at the civil rights act of 1965, they clearly state that discrimination cannot occur in certain sectors. But this discrimination does still exist today because of the neutral nature of the act. The act is not trying to fight the discrimination going on, it’s there as an equalizer. But, neutral laws do not lead to equal outcomes as these widespread disparities still very much exist today. The rationality that created the unequal outcome in the first place is still present, How can these blatant disparities be lessened then.

            An answer to this is that the structure of the system can be totally redefined. Today in the western world the system that is prevalent is the system of capitalism. Capitalism prioritizes an individual’s wealth and production over everything else. Capitalism arose with slavery; it was based on the exploitation of black people. Since this is how capitalism was based upon, these inequalities will most likely always be present. Despite the neutral laws put in promote more people coming  into the workforce. The gaps are still present. Wealth in terms of capitalism is focused a lot on intergenerational assets. Intergeneration assets usually shows up in the forms of home ownership. Guess What? Specific groups of people were locked out of getting accessible loans to buy house because of red loaning. Banks specifically made it harder or did not even give loans to black families who wanted to buy property in certain areas.  So, when a family is able to have a home in the house for generation after generation, other groups who were excluded were not afforded the same opportunity. That intergenerational wealth that was built up in white communities in the United States advanced white family’s intergenerational wealth advanced white families in the game of capitalism.

As mentioned before, systemic racism still heavily exists in education. A question that one may ask themselves is how systemic racism still operates if segregation in schools is defined as unconstitutional? This is because the way schools are funded are through property taxes. Take Chicago public schools as an example. A report card done by the state of Illinois demonstrated where the in Chicago were the worst performing high schools. The majority of high schools who were performing way below the state level were highly concentrated in the west and southside of Chicago. Here is a background of Chicago demographics. Chicago is one of the most segregated cities in the United States. Before the great Migration occurred, majority of the inner city of Chicago composed of white populations. When African Americans started to move to the inner cities in Chicago, white people started to move out of those areas. This has created the current demographics in the south and north side, with the south side being 93 percent black and the north side being 75 percent white. Zillow, a website that measures property value was used to test the property value of different neighborhoods in Chicago. The Zillow Home Value Index in Englewood a neighborhood in the southside, was around 0. Lincoln Park, a neighborhood in the Northside of Chicago had a Zillow Home Value Index of 451,000 .

This is not just a coincidence; this was the intended outcome of systemic racism. Not only is Chicago designed this way, but other major midwestern cities, such as Milwaukee and Detroit. Since there is clear evidence that these systemic practices exist, what can be done to undo this? Some may answer a good way to counteract this is to work within the system. As mentioned before, the structure of the system still exists. So, is that truly a great solution? No matter how many black people are incorporated into the system, there will still be black people who are heavily disenfranchised by the system. So, since this system that is currently in place needs to be destroyed, what new system should take its place? Let’s  wait and see  

Works Cited

 Rose, T. (2013). PUBLIC TALES WAG THE DOG. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 10(2), pp.447-469.

Walker Burke, C. and Kunichoff, Y. (2019). Illinois Report Card: Half of Chicago schools fail to make the grade. [online] Chalkbeat. Available at: https://www.chalkbeat.org/posts/chicago/2018/10/30/xx-high-schools-earn-low-performance-rating-on-new-illinois-report-card/ [Accessed 5 Oct. 2019].

Zillow, I. (2019). Englewood Chicago IL Home Prices & Home Values | Zillow.

[online]\

Zillow, I. (2019). Lincoln Park Chicago IL Home Prices & Home Values | Zillow.

Mia McKinney

To begin, Black mixed-race people have historically been misrepresented in popular culture in a way that does not reflect how they were perceived at the time. In “The Tragic Mulatto Myth” David Pilgrim works through the representation of Black and white mixed-race people in literature and film. Their presence was largely characterized by the trope of the tragic mulatto; usually a“self-loathing” and white passing woman who was desperately seeking approval by the white people around her, but was rejected because of her mixed heritage (Pilgrim). Pilgrim goes on to explain how historically there were instances in which people of mixed-race were privileged. For example, in slave societies such as Jamaica there were more slaves than white people and so in order to keep the status quo, white masters regarded mulattos as a higher class than their Black counterparts and in doing so created a caste of allies to maintain control (Campion, 199). On the other hand, he also acknowledges that in the United States, mulattos during slavery were largely regarded as fully Black and thus, enslaved alongside Black monoracial individuals, or people who identify as one singular race. This was the result of a number of issues including the justification of sexual violence against Black women, maintaining the social hierarchy and order, and continuing a labor class. Therefore, Pilgrim goes on to suggest that this tragic mulatto portrayed in movies and novels is “more myth than reality” because unlike the trope of rejection, mixed people were largely accepted into and identified with Black communities. This is evident through the emergence of influential Black intellectuals who were phenotypically Black mixed-race, such as W.E.B. DuBois, Frederick Douglass, and Mary Church Terrel, but represented Black people more broadly. 

With that being said, historical context is key when thinking about Black mixed-race people and their identities because their acceptance by groups of Black monoracially identifying people has changed over time. In her article “‘You think you’re Black?’ Exploring Black mixed-race experiences of Black rejection,” Karis Campion uses data from interviewing British people who are both white and Black Caribbean in order to discuss how people of Black mixed-race have experienced Black rejection through the concept of horizontal hostility (Campion, 196). Horizontal hostility is “used to describe how divisions and prejudices can emerge within oppressed groups” (Campion, 196). Within her article, Campion discusses how her interviews with Black mixed-race people reflected different experiences depending on what era they grew up in. The older generations grew up in a time when it was less common for people to identify as mixed-race and more often aligned themselves with one race, but the younger generation, who had more of an opportunity to for multiracial identities, continued to report experiences of horizontal hostility (Campion, 202). While discussing Black mixed-race people who are British, Campion cites Johnston and Nadal and their description of American Black mixed-race people’s distinct experiences of microaggression (Campion, 198). “Racial microaggressions are defined as ‘brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults to the target person or group’” (Johnston and Nadal, 124). Johnston and Nadal argue that microaggression is experienced by mixed-race people both in the traditional sense of racial microaggression, as in microaggressing blackness, but also on the basis of their mixed-race heritage. It is also important to note that while Campion specifically discusses Black mixed-race people, both generally and British White and Black Caribbean, but Johnston and Nadal largely discuss mixed-race Americans more broadly, including people of Asian and Latinx descent.The theme of microaggression seems to be consistent throughout these different types of multiracial people, according to their work. 

In their chapter “Multiracial Microaggressions” Johnston and Nadal also confront the ways in which mixed-race people form their racial identities. They borrow a framework from K. A. Renn’s mixed-race Students in College which describes 5 different identity patterns observed in the forming of mixed-race people’s racial identities. First, there is the monoracial identity which indicates when someone chooses only one race to identify themselves. Second, the multiple monoracial identities is when someone chooses to identify with both of their monoracial identities. Third, multiracial identity is when someone chooses to identify themselves using a multiracial term such as biracial or mixed. Fourth, extraracial identity is when someone refrains from identifying with any racial category. Last, situational identity is when someone’s racial identity is dependent on the situation they are currently in (Johnston and Nadal, 128). Johnston and Nadal acknowledge the complex nature of multiracial identities and their formation. They also suggest that the formations of these identities are often influenced by what other people say to and about the multiracial person (Johnston and Nadal, 128). 

Thinking about multiracial identities in an Africana framework is important for Black mixed-race people, especially because many people more recently have felt ostracized from a part of their identity as a result of microaggressions coming from Black monoracial people. In Stuart Hall’s article “What is this ‘Black’ in Black Popular Culture?” he discusses how Black identity is formed in relation to Black popular culture. He writes, “moreover, we tend to privilege experience itself, as if Black life is lived experience outside of representation. We have only, as it were, to express what we already know we are. Instead, it is only through the way in which we represent and imagine ourselves that we come to know how we are constituted and who we are,” (Hall, 111). Hall emphasizes the importance of recognizing diversity of experience among Black people in the United States and this idea can be also be applied to Black mixed-race people. Although their experience is distinct from that of Black monoracial people, Black multiracial individuals have also experienced discrimination on the basis of being categorized as Black or as multiracial, and therefore, they, too, can be studied through similar frameworks. However, Hall asserts that experience along with representation is what forms identities which applied to both Black monoracial and mixed-race people and the formation of their identities.

Works Cited

Campion, Karis, “‘You Think You’re Black?’ Exploring Black Mixed-Race Experiences of Black Rejection,” Ethnic and Racial Studies (2019), 196-213.

Hall, Stuart, “What is This ‘Black’ in Black Popular Culture?” Social Justice (Social Justice/Global Options, 1993), 104-114.

Johnston, Marc P. and Nadal Kevin L., “Multiracial Microaggressions: Exposing Monoracism in Everyday Life and Clinical Practice,” in Microaggressions and Marginality: Manifestations, Dynamics, and Impact, Ed. Derald Wing Sue (New York: Wiley & Sons 2010), 123-144.

Pilgrim, David, “The Tragic Mulatto Myth,” Jim Crow Museum of Racist Memorabilia, Last Modified 2012.